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When the first war between Eritrea and Ethiopia erupted in May 1998, I was preparing for my gradation in June from the University of Asmara to get my LLB in Law. It was time of preparing myself to confront the real world after staying at the University doing all the theoretical academic works for some years. My interest was to work with human right organizations. But I knew from the very beginning also that as I was among the first law graduates from the University of Asmara, choosing where to work was not an option. The ministry of justice had already decided where should be my placement in its own ministry. That was not a big problem at all. I started to work at the ministry of justice as a researcher in the department of Human Resource and Development in September 1998.
The first major challenge for me, besides the new job, was the beginning of the seemingly unexpected war with Ethiopia. The war officially began in May 1998 although the Eritrean government later reported that there were some incidents in Adi Murug in June 1997. The mood was completely changed on everyone’s face. Friends, relatives and classmates all started to go to the front. All the songs and radio programs sounded like we were in a state of war. These made my graduation in June to be a tasteless and very unfortunate date in my life. Normally we make some fests during the graduation day. But at that time everything was taken over by the on going conflict between the two countries. My parents might have been happy of my graduation. But I had a feeling that it was a turning point for me whether I could fulfil my student time’s vision and practice what I learned at school. I tried to discuss with friends and classmates about the border conflict and the situation in which our people would face in the eventuality of total war. I was continuously following the news from all sides such as the Eritrean radio and TV, the Ethiopian official news outlets and the reflection on the international news agencies. In my discussion with friends, we agreed on some points and disagree on others. My position from the beginning was that the confrontation between Eritrea and Ethiopia on the border would be a test for the leadership of both countries to see how far they were working for the wellbeing of their people, specially the poor ones, who struggle the day-to-day life. Moreover, it was also a time to measure how far the two leaderships have distanced themselves from the tradition of their previous generations of leaders in the region in handling delicate issues that could engulf the people of the region in to a total war. I believed also there would not be a victorious and a loser to the war as the war targeted the youngsters who could have been the future hope of both States. Anyway, the result was devastating on both sides and answered all my questions and concerns. I started to lose my confidence from the leaderships of Eritrea and Ethiopia. Before the incalculable damage to both countries, there were a number of initiatives of peace proposals from third countries and regional organizations. At the end of the day all the initiatives and steps taken to resolve the conflict were not acceptable for both governments for various reasons and timing. It was not because the initiatives were insufficient in their substance and procedure to resolve the on going crises; however, there was no willingness from both sides to end the conflict peacefully throughout the conflict. At the beginning that is until February 1999, the government of Eritrea did not show any interest to accept the peaceful resolution as it seemed confident in its Defence Force to confront any military attacks from Ethiopia. The leadership was boasting of its military capacity until it was tested on the ground in February 1999. Similarly later on the Ethiopian government in its turn seemed to decide not to show any interest to travel the peaceful way as it seemed that it was militarily superior at the battle field. It was only after the incalculable devastation occurred on both sides, the two parties came to the table and signed the peace agreement and accepted it as a binding and final to end the two years bloody war. The two countries lost tens of thousands soldiers and civilians in the two years so called border conflict in 1998-2000. It was finalized by the Algiers agreement of June and December of 2000 respectively which it could have been done earlier. According to the agreement a UN peacekeeping forces have been deployed along a buffer zone between the two states throughout the last six years, at a “cost to western taxpayers of more than $1bn“. International tribunals of Border Commission and a Compensation Commission were appointed by both governments. The Border Commission, established to delimitate and demarcate the border, has not been able to complete its job due to the unwillingness of the parties mainly of Ethiopia. The deadline to finalize the border ended in November 2007 without a concrete result. The decision could not be implemented on the ground. Some commentators of the region believe that Ethiopia has done its best to prevent cement pillars being placed along a line designated by the international Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission in 2002, a ruling that both states originally agreed was to be final and binding. Ever since it emerged that the commission's ruling placed the contested town of Badme, of huge symbolic importance as the flashpoint of the 1998-2000 war, inside Eritrean territory, it has been clear that only “realpolitik could secure Ethiopian compliance“. Others also believe that the Eritrean government has not played a constructive diplomatic role in convincing the international community to use the opportunity for its benefit to implement the verdict of the Border Commission of April 2002. The Eritrean government has been hostile against the peacekeepers, due to its frustration of the unenforceability of the decision of the commission, by restraining them in their activities and blaming the role of the UN and the US for neglecting the issue. It is true that the US, in its war on terrorism and its policy in the Horn of Africa, has totally changed its approach to the issue of Ethio-Eritrean border conflict. This is clearly seen in the recently published book ‘Never surrender’ of John Bolton, the former US Ambassador to UN. Moreover, it has been clear in the past two years that the US has been seen as a close ally of Ethiopia. The US and Ethiopia have been working hand in glove in Somalia. Instead of using its leverage to implement a legal decision, the US has played a negligible role and siding only with one party in its Horn African policy. Furthermore, the UN and the EU and other regional organizations have responsibilities to influence the reluctant party to accept the agreed peace treaty. So far it has not been a success. Meanwhile, the responsibility lies mainly on both governments. They are the ones who are going to be judged by history and their people for what they did. Peace should have been their national interest. They are going to be responsible for the damage caused to their people. The reasons behind all these reluctance and playing a negative role in the implementation of the verdict by the two governments might be very complicated and long to address them in this short article. But it is suffice to say here that the two governments are still in a state of war mind rather than taking the peaceful course to end the suffering of their people. They have been using the border issue a face saving for their internal political and economic problems. Although on different gravity, the two former freedom fighters of Ethiopia and Eritrea have been accused of being among the most human right violators in the continent of Africa by reliable human right institutions. The exasperated border commission chairman, Sir Elihu Lauterpacht, announced in November 2006 that if the stalemate continued, the border would automatically count as legally demarcated. It is unfortunate that many people in the West, in which most of the expenses for the Peacekeepers of the UN have been collected, seem not to realize the impact of such a situation for the people of the two impoverished countries and Africa at large. Although the Ethiopian government officially has not accepted, the Eritrean Ethiopian Border Commission submitted to both governments an official delimited map of the boundary. Ethiopia demanded negotiation on its implementation. In its last session, the Commission appealed to both parties to abide by the decision. A new war now looks horribly likely. Both sides have moved troops up to the border and Ethiopia recently announced that it was considering terminating the Algiers Agreement, which ended the fighting in 2000. The rising rhetoric of both governments reminds me of the 1998 when the two states were clashing at the border. The current one looks even more ominous countdown to a resumption of hostilities. Unlike the first two years of war in 1998-2000, a possible second war might be even a deeply devastating and could have a dire consequence not only to both countries but also to the region in large. It seems the leaderships of both governments have not learned a good lesson from the past. But I believe the people, who suffered the most, have learned enough from their past involvement of the war. The question here is what should be done to avoid the war again and re-establish a peaceful beginning of the two countries at a time where the leaderships of both governments seem to fail their people again. As a member of the Eritrean Antimilitarist Initiative and as an Eritrean who lost good friends and relatives of mine in the last unnecessary border war, I say the followings. The participation of the people in such a nonsense war should be zero. In the first two years of war, the two governments tried to exploit the patriotic feeling of the people. To some extent they benefited out of it. This time I have a feeling that the people of both countries have enough lessens from the past. This was specially true for those people in Diaspora. The peoples of both countries should put more pressure on their governments to end the hostility peacefully. We, as members of the people, should demand at any cost for peace. The border between the two brotherly people should have not been a problem to start with. It could have been solved had it been taken seriously and decided taking the long term interest of the people as a priority. Instead the leaders of both countries used the war to fulfil their own personal ambition. We saw also the result in the past. We do not want to see such tragedy on our people again. We need now a concrete people’s initiatives to denounce any kind of war between the two countries. In this way, I call all peace organizations and concerned individuals to play their positive role in campaigning against a possible war between Eritrea and Ethiopia. I feel that although the responsibility of avoiding the second war between Eritrea and Ethiopia squarely depends on the leaders of both governments, I still would like to see the role of the international community to play a positive role to avoid a possible total disaster and destabilization of the region of Horn of Africa. In the past five years, we, the human right activists, have been campaigning against the human right violation and the implementation of the border decision through our petitions. However, the effort made, from the international community, to bring the conflict of the two countries to an end has not been very satisfactory. The UN peacekeeping force should not be stationed between the two states for ever. The UN should focus on the main issue and resolve the deadlock based on the decision of the EEBC. The People to People relation (people’s diplomacy) must be developed between the two countries. The Eritrean Antimilitarist Initiative has been aware of the importance of such people’s diplomacy and has been working in cooperation with similar minded Ethiopians to denounce any kind of militarism in Eritrea and Ethiopian. The establishment of the Ethiopian Anti War in Germany is a timely initiative. I call on other Eritreans and Ethiopians to work together and influence their leaders for a peaceful solution to our problems. Abraham G. Mehreteab |