Originally posted on awate.com on May 15, 2007

This article deals with the issue of regime change as a viable solution to the longstanding political crisis in Eritrea that I have been discussing recently with many Eritrean friends in the Diaspora.

Do you feel paralyzed? You want to take any measure your capacity can afford to help improve Eritrea’s situation, but you’re caught in some analysis-paralysis and fear that your action might do more harm than good? We’re all wedged in this vicious “damned if I do, damn if I don’t” circle.

1. Introduction 

At present, inevitable question two or more Eritrean youths meeting outside Eritrea ask each other is how each one of them left Eritrea - ‘Bhgawi dika kab Ertra wetsika’ which means ‘did you exit Eritrea legally’. It is a question with an obvious answer but it has been nonetheless asked. It serves as a starter anyway; and most often leads to a common experience. The rights to leave and to return to Eritrea and to be provided with passport or any other travel document of thousands of Eritrean youths and other ‘politically undesirables’ – a right clearly provided by Article 19(9) of the Eritrean Constitution and other sacrosanct international human right documents – is severely curtailed together with other fundamental rights. Leaving Eritrea legally, as opposed to ‘illegally’ has become the exception of the exception for Eritrean youths. ‘Cross giere ember wetsie’, they proudly respond. To the contrary, those few who exited Eritrea ‘legally’ tend to feel mortified for getting the rare ‘favour’ from the government in Asmara.

On January 30, 2008, the UN Security Council passed a resolution extending UNMEE's mandate for another six month occupation of Eritrea. The resolution also carried a one-sided condemnation of Eritrea for hampering UNMEE's activities in Eritrea. 

This resolution was passed under Libya's chairmanship of the UN Security Council. Moreover, Libya didn't even object or attempt to modify the resolution to put pressure on Ethiopia. But again, the relationship between PIA and Libya is one of servitude. When our 'independent minded' leader is shuttling to Tripoli and Serte every couple of weeks, the Libyan leader has visited Eritrea only once; this is can only be a one-side relationship. It is like you visiting your friend's house every other week, but your friend has never thought of you worthy enough to visit you while this very friend is busy visiting his other powerful friends. Libya's acceding to the other members of the Security Council's strong resolution against Eritrea is yet another manifestation of our diplomatic incompetence and isolation. If PIA can't convince even his supposed friends, who can he convince?